By Ron Beasley
I wonder if a professor would leave out the contribution of the Soviet Union in WWII. Clinton supporter and history professor Sean Wilentz has done the equivalent - he left the impact Ross Perot out of Bill Clinton's 1992 win over George HW Bush.
With her overwhelming victory in Kentucky on May 20, Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton has completed her sweep of the crucial primary states adjoining the Ohio River -- and the fight for the Democratic nomination has entered its final phases. Having picked up a net gain of nearly 140,000 votes between Kentucky and Oregon, Clinton is now well poised to win the Puerto Rico primary on June 1 - and clinch a majority in this year's popular vote, even if the disputed returns from Michigan are discounted. Under those pressures, the Barack Obama campaign and its sympathizers have begun to articulate much more clearly what they mean by their vague slogan of "change" - nothing less than usurping the historic Democratic Party, dating back to the age of Andrew Jackson, by rejecting its historic electoral core: white workers and rural dwellers in the Middle Atlantic and border states.
Without a majority of those voters, the Democrats have, since the party's inception in the 1820s, been incapable of winning the presidency. The Obama advocates declare, though, that we have entered an entirely new political era. It is not only possible but also desirable, they say, for Democrats to win by turning away from those whom "progressive" pundits and bloggers disdain variously as "Nascar man," "uneducated," "low information" whites, "rubes, fools, and hate-mongers" who live in the nation's "shitholes."
Wilentz seems to be implying here that race was not a factor in Hillary's wins in Appalachia. This itself is foolish since 20% of the Clinton voters admitted they voted for her because she was not black and the percentage was probably much higher. But it's from here that Professor Wilentz fails as a history teacher.
Northern white working-class defections to the Republicans grew steadily in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The Republican's Watergate debacle temporarily halted the trend, but the disasters of the Carter presidency, especially its mishandling of economic woes and foreign policy, accelerated the defections in 1980. In his two successful races, Ronald Reagan won the support, on average, of 61 percent of white working class voters, compared to 35 percent for his opponents, Carter and Walter Mondale. (Both times, Reagan carried Ohio and Pennsylvania handily.) As the caricature of "Reagan Democrats" as racist militarists hardened among "new politics" advocates, they strove to make up the difference by creating an expanded base among African-Americans, college-age, and college educated voters. The result was yet another humiliating defeat for the Democrats in 1988.
Bill Clinton's shift to a centrist liberalism stressing lunch-pail issues--"Putting People First"--won back a large number of Reagan Democrats in 1992, enough so that, by the time Clinton won his second term in 1996, Democrats could claim parity with Republicans by winning a slim plurality among non-college educated working class white voters. But the perceived elitists Al Gore and John Kerry lost what Clinton had gained, as George W. Bush carried the white working-class vote by a margin of 17 percent in 2000 and a whopping 23 percent in 2004.
If you thought there is something missing in this narrative you would be right - Ross Perot is missing. Bill Clinton didn't get those voters in 1992 Ross Perot did. They have the numbers over at Comments from Left Field.
In 1988, Bush the First received 53.37% of the vote nationally; Dukakis got 45.65% But in 1992, while Clinton only got 43% of the national vote, Bush got 37.45% and Perot got 18.91%. Combine those, and Bush/Perot got 56.36% of the popular vote in 1992 � which looks very similar to the 53.37% Bush got in 1988.
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So the theory that Professor Wilentz proffers is a myth � Bill Clinton did not win the working class vote. And while Gore* and Kerry may have lost because they were �perceived elitists,� as Wilentz states, they also did not have a candidate taking 15-20% of the Republican vote in working class counties helping them � Clinton did. If it weren�t for Perot, Clinton would have never won in 1992 and we probably wouldn�t see his wife running for president now.
This is something to keep in mind the next time Hillary�s supporters claim that she can win the working class vote. Her husband never did, so what makes them think that Hillary can?
I was a Hillary Clinton supporter until January when her campaign began to look like a Rove/Attwater/Republican campaign. The Republicans have used the tactic of rewriting history and it would seen that the Clinton supporters have adopted it as well.
Separating your dislike for Hillary Clinton from the issue of in what way Perot effected the 92 elections may be difficult. But, if you do you might find assuming all Perot voters would have defaulted to Bush is not very realistic. Here is Joshua Leinsdorf's analysis:
ReplyDeleteBut did Perot defeat Bush? First, look at the turnout. Perot got 19,660,450 votes. The total turnout was more than 13 million higher than in 1988. So, even though Perot got a lot of votes, 13 million of those voters didn't vote in 1988. Clinton ran 3.1 million votes ahead of Dukakis, but Bush received 9.7 million fewer votes than four years earlier. The two party vote fell by 7 million. So, Perot only took 7 million votes from the two parties combined. If Perot had not been in the race, would those 7 million Perot voters who voted for Bush and Dukakis in 1988 have voted for Bush by a sufficient margin for him to overcome Clinton's 3.1 million vote lead. Those 7 million Perot voters would have had to favor Bush over Clinton by 5 to 2. Or, even if all 19.6 million Perot voters had voted for one of the major party candidates, they would have had to favor Bush by a 58% to 42% margin to overcome clinton's lead and tie the race. Was this likely in view of the fact that the other 84 million voters were favoring Clinton by 7%, 53.5% to Bush's 46.5%?
The 1992 presidential election was an analyst's dream. Usually, the presidential candidate runs far ahead of the rest of the ticket. Perot's presence in the presidential race combined with an absence of running mates for lesser offices meant that Clinton and Bush ran behind their respective party's nominees for Governor, Senator and the House. Consequently, it was easy to follow Perot's voters as they voted for other offices. They voted for Democratic and Republican Governor, Senator and House of Representative candidates in sufficient numbers to give them higher vote totals than Clinton and Bush.
This assumes that all Clinton's supporters voted for the other Democratic candidates and all Bush's supporters voted for the Republican candidates for Governor, Senator and the House. Since Republican candidates for other offices received more votes than Bush, and Democratic candidates for other offices received more votes than Clinton, this is a statistically valid assumption. The higher vote totals for the non-presidential candidates had to come from Perot's voters.
In the Governor's races, Perot's voters cast 18% of their ballots for the Republican candidates; 56% of their ballots for Democratic candidates, 17% for independent candidates, and 8% did not bother to vote for Governor. If Perot's voters had voted for Bush and Clinton in the same proportion that the voted for the Republican and Democratic candidates for Governor, Clinton's lead would have increased by 7.5 million votes.
In the Senate races, Perot's supporters voted 27% for the Republican candidates, 24% for the Democratic candidates, 23% for the independent candidates, and 24% skipped the Senate races entirely. (This does not include states that did not have Senate races.)
In the House races, Perot's voters cast 22% of their ballots for Republican candidates, 19% for Democratic candidates, 18% for independent candidates, and 40% did not vote in House races.
Perot's voters voted overwhelmingly for Democratic Governor candidates, and only marginally in favor of the Republican candidates for the House and Senate. Perot's voters favored Republican Senate candidates by 2.28%, and Republican House candidates by 2.69%. Because Perot's voters were only 1/5th of the total, that translates into about another 500,000 votes or 0.5% for bush if they had voted in a two way presidential race the same way they voted for the Senate and House. That is about 1/7th of the margin by which Bush lost.
While there may be no way to know if Clinton would have won without Perot's entry, I suspect he wouldn't have, it was still intellectually dishonest for a history professor to not even mention a candidate who received nearly 20% of the vote.
ReplyDeleteit was still intellectually dishonest for a history professor to not even mention a candidate who received nearly 20% of the vote.
ReplyDeleteOnce you get into ad hominem arguments it is difficult to resolve anything. Would it then be reasonable to say that it was intellectually dishonest of you to quote the following
Combine those, and Bush/Perot got 56.36% of the popular vote in 1992 � which looks very similar to the 53.37% Bush got in 1988.
with the implication that all Perot's supporters were Bush supporters? Let me hasten to add that I don't think you are dishonest, intellectually or otherwise. I just don't think ad hominem attacks serve much of a purpose unless you are in the propaganda business.
The problem with Leinsdorf's analysis is that, by taking House, Senate, and Gubernatorial races into account, we have to consider factors of voters favoring incumbents no matter what party they are from (which often transcends party lines -- in blue Rhode Island, the Republican Chafee family held a Senatorial seat for over three decades), what the trends are for each of house of Congress (when there's a Republican president, Congress is usually Democrat; and visa versa), if state governors are strong incumbents, etc. And there was no party of Perot's strength, representing Perot's platform, at the national level that his voters could gravitate towards, so of course we're going to see many of them voting for candidates from the two major parties.
ReplyDeleteBut with the presidential election results, it's less complex because all of these factors can be ruled out. Plus there's the just the close percentages here... I wrote the piece that Ron quoted, and it's borne from county-by-county election analysis I did on Florida back in 2004. And I was struck by the fact that, no matter what rural county I looked at there, the Democrat presidential candidate always got the same amount of votes, but the Republican candidate would split their percentage with Perot. This wasn't a statistical anomaly, I saw these results across the board... In County X in 88, Democrat got 40% and Republican got 60%, but in 1992 Democrat got 40%, Republican got 45%, and Perot got 15%. Same thing in counties Y, Z, A, so on and so forth.
As far as ad hominem attacks go, if you're implying that Wilentz is being criticized for supporting Hillary, I'll stand partially guilty of such. (I won't speak for anyone else.) However, it was Wilentz who decided to ignore Perot's candidacy when making his argument -- but you can't ignore something that big. I also don't think the similarity between the numbers here can be ignored, either. It can be said that the Democratic candidate getting roughly the same percentage of votes, but the Republican candidate getting roughly the same percentage only when combined with Perot voters, doesn't mean that all Perot voters were conservatives -- but why? If the Democrat's weren't winning any new voters (looking the percentages here), then what else is going on besides a split of the conservative vote?
I would love to see your analysis if possible. Do you have it somewhere where you can link to it?
ReplyDeleteAs far as ad hominem attacks go,
My comment on ad hominem attacks was in response to the accusation of intellectual dishonesty. One might disagree with someone's analysis, whether in terms of their arguments, or in terms of the data they have or have not used. If one points out the problems with their analysis there is some hope of advancing the discussion. But if one calls them names all one gets is an increasing level of vitriol. In the blogosphere sometimes that is the goal, but I don't think that is the goal of this site. To enjoy that may I recommend Balloon Juice or Hillaryis44.
I'd remind people here that exit polls showed that 38% percent of Perot's vote would have gone to Clinton and Bush each, and that Bush Sr. had approval ratings in the 40's and 30's in 1992 as well. Perot voters wanted CHANGE. Perot was also pro-choice, pro-gay rights, and against NAFTA. Clinton woulda gotten more Perot votes, and won in a landslide. Clinton was way ahead of Bush in the polls until Perot returned.
ReplyDelete