By Cernig
How is it that the Bush administration could flip so quickly from "We can ignore Russian wishes" to "Russia is the new old Evil Empire"? By turning a deliberate ideological blind eye to the warning signs.
Gareth Porter lays it out.
There were plenty of signals that Russia would not acquiesce in the alignment of a militarily aggressive Georgia with a U.S.-dominated military alliance. Then Russian President Vladimir Putin made no secret of his view that this represented a move by the United States to infringe on Russia's security in the South Caucasus region. In February 2007 he asked rhetorically, "Against whom is this expansion intended?"
Contrary to the portrayal of Russian policy as aimed at absorbing South Ossetia and Abkhazia into Russia and regime change in Georgia, Moscow had signaled right up to the eve of the NATO summit its readiness to reach a compromise along the lines of Taiwan's status in U.S.-China relations: formal recognition of the sovereignty over the secessionist territories of South Ossetia and Abkhazia in return for freedom to develop extensive economic and political relations. But it was conditioned on Georgia staying out of NATO.
That compromise was disdained by Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili. After a Mar. 19 speech at the Atlantic Council in Washington, Saakashvili was asked whether Russia had offered a "Taiwan model" solution in return for Georgia stay out of NATO. "We have heard many, many suggestions of this sort," he said, but he insisted, "You cannot compromise on these issues..."
Russia, meanwhile, had made it clear that it would respond to a move toward NATO membership for Georgia by moving toward official relations with the secessionist regions.
U.S. policymakers had decided long before those developments that the NATO expansion policy would include Georgia and Ukraine. They convinced themselves that they weren't threatening Russia but only contributing to a new European security order that was divorced from the old politics of spheres of interest.
But their view of NATO expansion appears to be marked by self-deception and naivet�
Now where have we seen "self-deception and naivet�uot; before? Oh yeah - in just about everything the neocons have planned. "It'll be a cakewalk", "we'll be greeted as liberators", "turning the last corner" etc etc ad nauseam. They seem constitutionally incapable of looking past their own ideology of American exceptionalism at the real world - something that suggests that they may well be projecting their own vain and misplaced wishes to be personally exceptional themselves.
Meanwhile, Russia has decided that if it has taken an inch it may as well take a mile, keeping troops dug in to Georgian soil and using article 5 of the Aug. 12 accord as a very viable excuse. That article says they're allowed to station troops in a buffer zone until the international community can provide peacekeepers. Its quite obvious they figure that the US - which is still occupying a country it invaded on a far shabbier pretext five years ago and using the same reasoning to do so - doesn't have a leg to stand on when it objects and that it can safely ignore American protests. That may not make it right, but it is "keeping it real".
Hallelujah! Some sober thinking on the whole Russia and the New Cold War. Unfortunately between McCain's saber rattling and Zbigniew Brzezinsky's very
ReplyDeletePolish hatred of Russia (and the latter's likelihood to be Obama's next foreign adviser we're in for rough waters.
You are correct to identify the neocons at the center of this naivete. But in the hate Russia crowd we can identify some prominent "liberal" actors like the Washington Post, CNN and Time as seeking to show their hawkish credentials. They are dangerous enablers like they were in the run up to the Iraq War; see Robert Kagan's (in Foreign Affairs ) detailing of how the Clintons and others facilitated the run up to the Iraq war.
Thomas Friedman points out that in the Clinton years the decision was made to treat Russia as if it was still the Soviet Union. Sober counsels like those George Kennan and other top Russian Affairs experts were ignored. The need to preserve the existence of a bureaucracy (NATO) took precedence over any serious effort to help Russia become integrated into the new world order. Friedman also sees a belief in an intrinsically aggressive Russia which continues to this very day. At a time when the US the UK and now France are exercising their military muscle half way around the globe in places like Iraq and Afghanistan, Russia is scolded for being concerned about what is going on, on its borders. The Bear is on the prowl!! How hypocritical!
What�s wrong with allowing spheres of influence. After Napoleon, France was reintegrated into the 19th century system of world stability by allowing it to have spheres of influence and this yielded years of peace.