Amidst all the news about the White House circling wagons and developing a new strategy for health care reform, Ezra Klein reports
there's a pretty significant debate going on in the Administration over
the new position. Klein notes that two camps have formed:
The
first camp could be called "universal-lite." They're focused on
preserving the basic shape of the bill. They think a universal plan is
necessary for a number of reasons: For one thing, the insurance market
regulations don't work without universality, as you can't really ask
insurers to offer standard prices if the healthy and the young don't
have to enter the system. For another, it will be easier to change
subsidies or improve the benefit package down the road if the initial
offerings prove inadequate. New numbers are easier than new features.
Creating a robust structure is the most important thing. This camp
seems to be largely headed by the policy people.
The
second camp is not universal at all. This camp believes the bill needs
to be scaled back sharply in order to ensure passage. Covering 20
million people isn't as good as covering 40 million people, but it's a
whole lot better than letting the bill fall apart and covering no one
at all. It's also a success of some sort, and it gives you something to
build on. What that sacrifices in terms of structure it gains in terms
of political appeal. This camp is largely headed by members of the
political team.
Both
camps accept that the administration's proposal will be less generous
than what has emerged from either the HELP or House Committees. The
question, it seems, is how much less generous.
This
may be hindsight, but I think the Obama team made three significant
mistakes in how they approached their health care objectives.
- They failed to make their objectives clear, no doubt hoping to
avoid the "Hillarycare" fate, and allowed Congress to draft the health
care reform bills. Having an entity that's radically polarized and
almost universally distrusted draft your administrations signature
legislation is a recipe for disaster. - The Administration should have framed the debate in easily
understood concepts. How many folks do you think can explain the term
"single payer"? And how many hear "public option" and think the term
refers to unisex restrooms? The whole debate should have started and
been framed as... - "Medicare for All." It should have been the going in position for
three reasons; it would have sent Republicans into cardiac arrest
(imagine them criticizing the notion of offering everyone a program
they claim to love) and it would have allowed compromise down to the
public option position (ask for the sun, settle for the moon). The
third reason? If one is really serious about lowering costs and can
avoid getting caught up in esoteric ideological arguments, it's the
logical way to accomplish it.
It's water under the bridge now. But the objectives for health care
reform today are the same as they were going in; expand coverage and
lower cost. And the two objectives are interlinked. Providing
coverage to everyone provides economies of scale that will result in
lower costs and lower costs provide the opportunity to insure more.
I understand the political camps argument that something is better than nothing. But I would argue that something is worse
than nothing if that something fails to deliver on either of the two
objectives of the reform and just perpetuates a system that, in fact,
ends up costing more and insuring even fewer.
Good comments. Hindsight is always twenty/twenty they say.
ReplyDeleteWe'll wait to see if the president will pull a rabbit out of his hat when he speaks to Congress. I'm not optimistic, however. The very idea that millions of uninsured people can be added to the system and the move would be "revenue neutral" is crazy on its face, orders of magnitude more irrational than the financial community's pulling assets out of thin air.
Of all human emotions that trigger irrational behavior fear is the most compelling. Fear has gripped the country like a plague. Even when an angel appeared to shepherds his first words were "Fear not." When a soldier returns to the safety of home the threat of PTSD comes along. FDR famously said "The only thing we have to fear is fear itself."
Details of any plan are basically irrelevant. The only way to move anything to through Congress and onto the president's desk is for Washington to calm the nation's fears and reclaim the support of the country, now hanging somewhere between fragile and lost. Behind that simple reality nothing else matters. At the moment even many of the president's supporters are at the point of rebellion.
Politicians grasp this reality. It is as much a part of their tool kit as scissors to a barber. History shows that there will always be a few without principles, but for the most part the longer they stay in Washington the less provincial they are forced to become, even the most obtuse. The challenge is not to agree on details but to close ranks with the reassuring courage of leadership.
I have watched Grassley in C-SPAN broadcasts of hearings and committee meetings and I am certain he knows better than that pitiful message to his constituents. The wording strikes me as a message from a hostage scripted by captors. The man faces two choices: say what he must to get reelected or fall on his sword for principles he understands all too well. The blame for his dilemma lies not with him but the ignorance and fear of his constituents. And in many ways his dilemma is a microcosm of what Obama faces with much (maybe most) of the country.
The president is pragmatic above all other qualities. I'm interested to see how well he understands and uses these practical realities.