Farewell. The Flying Pig Has Left The Building.

Steve Hynd, August 16, 2012

After four years on the Typepad site, eight years total blogging, Newshoggers is closing it's doors today. We've been coasting the last year or so, with many of us moving on to bigger projects (Hey, Eric!) or simply running out of blogging enthusiasm, and it's time to give the old flying pig a rest.

We've done okay over those eight years, although never being quite PC enough to gain wider acceptance from the partisan "party right or wrong" crowds. We like to think we moved political conversations a little, on the ever-present wish to rush to war with Iran, on the need for a real Left that isn't licking corporatist Dem boots every cycle, on America's foreign misadventures in Afghanistan and Iraq. We like to think we made a small difference while writing under that flying pig banner. We did pretty good for a bunch with no ties to big-party apparatuses or think tanks.

Those eight years of blogging will still exist. Because we're ending this typepad account, we've been archiving the typepad blog here. And the original blogger archive is still here. There will still be new content from the old 'hoggers crew too. Ron writes for The Moderate Voice, I post at The Agonist and Eric Martin's lucid foreign policy thoughts can be read at Democracy Arsenal.

I'd like to thank all our regular commenters, readers and the other bloggers who regularly linked to our posts over the years to agree or disagree. You all made writing for 'hoggers an amazingly fun and stimulating experience.

Thank you very much.

Note: This is an archive copy of Newshoggers. Most of the pictures are gone but the words are all here. There may be some occasional new content, John may do some posts and Ron will cross post some of his contributions to The Moderate Voice so check back.


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Monday, October 19, 2009

Anand Gopal Interview: "The Taliban Don't Need Al Qaeda Like They Did Eight Years Ago"

By Steve Hynd


One of the big debates generated by the Obama administration's deliberations over whether or not to send extra troops to Afghanistan has been the exact nature of the relationship between the various Taliban factions and Al Qaeda's leadership. Escalation advocates have argued that the relationship is strong and essential: that any mission which to defeat Al Qaeda must involve defeating the Taliban and that thus a counter-insurgency based strategy is needed, rather than a counter-terrorism one with a smaller American troop presence.


Today, for example, Peter Bergen of the New America Foundation takes to the pages of The New Republic to argue that "at the leadership level, the Taliban and Al Qaeda function more or less as a single entity" - although his entire argument for this seems to me to boil down to the workings of an extended and diffuse network of peer-sharing for what could be termed "best practise" terror tactics and training.


It's said that one should always follow the money. If so, then why is it that if Al Qaeda and the Taliban have merged, as Bergen's headline puts it, that the Taliban are said to have plenty of funding while Al Qaeda is broke?


Alex Thurtston at The Seminal and I recently got a chance to put some questions about the AQ/Taliban relationship to Anand Gopal, an Afghanistan-based journalist who has followed the various Taliban factions and their shifting alliances closely. Here are his answers.


Is Al Qaeda still the threat it used to be?


AQ has been tremendously weakened in the last few years. The drone strikes have done a number on their leadership, whose movements are extremely restricted. In addition, the war with Pakistan has robbed them of many of their safe havens. They are so weak they have had to put out repeated appeals for more fighters to come to the region--something the Taliban have never had to do because recruits for them are not in short supply. Today AQ is mostly an autonomous homegrown or regional affair in the various countries in which it exists--Mauritania, Indonesia, Somalia etc. There's very little evidence of ties between those groups and the leadership in FATA.


So it's lost some support in the region?


Today the AQ completely relies on the Pak. Taliban for its survival. Specifically, it relies on the Mehsud clan in South Waziristan. Most members can't even rely on other tribal areas or commanders for a safe haven or logistical or financial support. Their funding has taken a hit, and they are facing considerable financial strain.


How about AQ's relationship with the Afghan Taliban?


While in 2002 AQ was at heart and mind of the Afghan resistance to the invasion--AQ provided training, funding, logistical support, foot soldiers, etc--the situation is almost completely reversed now. The Afghan Taliban have their own funding network (from taxes, zakat, donations from the gulf states, etc) and are trained mostly independently of AQ (through ISI or their own trainers). In other words, the Taliban don't need AQ like they did eight years ago.


How do you mean, the Taliban don't need AQ like they used to?


The insurgency in 2002 and 2003 was driven by al Qaeda, and it was mostly based along the southeast border with Pakistan. al Qaeda provided trainers and encouraged the Afghans to fight against the U.S. Over time, the Taliban was able to stand on its own feet. Moreover, the Taliban have shown themselves to be remarkably practical. The most recent Mullah Omar statement, for instance, goes out of its way to talk about how the Taliban are not a threat to the world. This is in marked contrast to, say, the Pakistani Taliban, whose leaders have directly threatened the West a number of times.


Finally, what's the relationship between AQ and the Pakistan government?


Pakistan either subtly supported or at least looked the other way regarding AQ 8 or 9 years ago. Today, however, they are at war with AQ. This more than anything else is cause of the group's weakness. So Pakistan supports the Quetta Taliban, but is against AQ.


Update: All Things Counterterrorism blog, written by expert Leah Farrell, fact-checks Bergen and finds him wanting in some crucial places - in particular that some training camps central to attacks in the West that he claims to be Al Qaeda run simply weren't. Leah's conclusion is in line with Anand's: "the relationship between the Taliban and al Qaeda  is not a marriage, it�s friends with benefits."



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