Farewell. The Flying Pig Has Left The Building.

Steve Hynd, August 16, 2012

After four years on the Typepad site, eight years total blogging, Newshoggers is closing it's doors today. We've been coasting the last year or so, with many of us moving on to bigger projects (Hey, Eric!) or simply running out of blogging enthusiasm, and it's time to give the old flying pig a rest.

We've done okay over those eight years, although never being quite PC enough to gain wider acceptance from the partisan "party right or wrong" crowds. We like to think we moved political conversations a little, on the ever-present wish to rush to war with Iran, on the need for a real Left that isn't licking corporatist Dem boots every cycle, on America's foreign misadventures in Afghanistan and Iraq. We like to think we made a small difference while writing under that flying pig banner. We did pretty good for a bunch with no ties to big-party apparatuses or think tanks.

Those eight years of blogging will still exist. Because we're ending this typepad account, we've been archiving the typepad blog here. And the original blogger archive is still here. There will still be new content from the old 'hoggers crew too. Ron writes for The Moderate Voice, I post at The Agonist and Eric Martin's lucid foreign policy thoughts can be read at Democracy Arsenal.

I'd like to thank all our regular commenters, readers and the other bloggers who regularly linked to our posts over the years to agree or disagree. You all made writing for 'hoggers an amazingly fun and stimulating experience.

Thank you very much.

Note: This is an archive copy of Newshoggers. Most of the pictures are gone but the words are all here. There may be some occasional new content, John may do some posts and Ron will cross post some of his contributions to The Moderate Voice so check back.


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Monday, January 3, 2011

Pakistan's PM Has Political Woes

By Steve Hynd


News today that the second largest party in Pakistan's governing coalition, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) has withdrawn it's support for the government, ostensibly due to "a hike in gasoline prices and new taxation measures" but more likely because the government won't use it's paramilitaries to intervene on MQM's behalf in its ongoing blood-feud with rivals the Awami National Party in the city of Karachi.


While both agreeing that a vote of no confidence is now possible which would topple the Gilani government, especially in light of Pakistan's cratering economy, McLatchie and Reuters have quite different takes on the situation.


McClatchie's Saeed Shah seems to think that military boss General Kayani is pulling strings here to destabilize the civilian government and that eventually main opposition leader Nawaz Sharif will be unable to resist the temptation to call for a vote of no confidence in parliament which would go against the government and thus cause a general election to be held. Sharif would probably win the majority of votes in any new elections.


However, Reuters' Zeeshan Haider feels that Sharif will hold off any such moves. While his party would "win" any general election it wouldn't do so with an overall majority, and the PML-N "does not enjoy close ties with other opposition parties". Sharif, therefore, would have nothing to gain by forcing an election at present. Haider also pours cold water on conspiracy theories concerning Kayani's machinations, writing that "Gilani is known as one of the few officials who managed to avoid making too many enemies in Pakistan politics. He enjoys good ties with Pakistan's powerful military, which has ruled the country for more than half of its 63-year history."


I'm inclined to go with the Reuters assessment myself, particularly because Saeed Shah begins his McClatchie piece with a ridiculous argument:



Political instability likely will take the government�s focus off the fight against extremism and leave it weak. Pakistan�s co-operation is believed to be vital in battling al Qaida and in finding a solution for Afghanistan. Washington has worked hard to build a close relationship with Asif Zardari's pro-Western government and showered it with billions of dollars of aid.



Pakistan's co-operation in the "war on terror" has never been anything more than two-faced and half-hearted and no amount of political change will alter the underlying dynamics. Zardari, Gilani, Kayani and Sharif are all united in believing that India really is a threat to their nation, that the U.S. will never be more than a sometime-friend and that only while it thinks it is getting what it wants, and that Pakistani influence in Afghanistan via their proxies in the Taliban is essential to Pakistani national security. Ignoring that dynamic in the lede of an analysis of Pakistani politics and their ramifications immediately calls into question the integrity of anything else written, for me.



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