Farewell. The Flying Pig Has Left The Building.

Steve Hynd, August 16, 2012

After four years on the Typepad site, eight years total blogging, Newshoggers is closing it's doors today. We've been coasting the last year or so, with many of us moving on to bigger projects (Hey, Eric!) or simply running out of blogging enthusiasm, and it's time to give the old flying pig a rest.

We've done okay over those eight years, although never being quite PC enough to gain wider acceptance from the partisan "party right or wrong" crowds. We like to think we moved political conversations a little, on the ever-present wish to rush to war with Iran, on the need for a real Left that isn't licking corporatist Dem boots every cycle, on America's foreign misadventures in Afghanistan and Iraq. We like to think we made a small difference while writing under that flying pig banner. We did pretty good for a bunch with no ties to big-party apparatuses or think tanks.

Those eight years of blogging will still exist. Because we're ending this typepad account, we've been archiving the typepad blog here. And the original blogger archive is still here. There will still be new content from the old 'hoggers crew too. Ron writes for The Moderate Voice, I post at The Agonist and Eric Martin's lucid foreign policy thoughts can be read at Democracy Arsenal.

I'd like to thank all our regular commenters, readers and the other bloggers who regularly linked to our posts over the years to agree or disagree. You all made writing for 'hoggers an amazingly fun and stimulating experience.

Thank you very much.

Note: This is an archive copy of Newshoggers. Most of the pictures are gone but the words are all here. There may be some occasional new content, John may do some posts and Ron will cross post some of his contributions to The Moderate Voice so check back.


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Sunday, March 20, 2011

FP Talking Heads Reading List

By John Ballard


?Why the U.N. vote on Libya means almost as much for Obama as for Qaddafi
Posted By David Rothkopf -- Foreign Policy furnishes this list of commentaries on events in Libya.


?Yes. Now Let's Hope It's Not Too Late. - By Rom�Dallaire with Jeffrey Bernstein
Lt. Gen Rom�Dallaire was force commander of the U.N. peacekeeping mission for Rwanda in 1994. He is currently a senator in the Canadian Parliament and co-director of the Will to Intervene project at the Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies. Jeffrey Bernstein is project officer for genocide prevention to Lt. Gen Dallaire.


The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine -- which requires the U.N. Security Council to take action when a country fails to protect its citizens and was unanimously adopted by all countries of the U.N. General Assembly in 2005 -- has clearly and unequivocally laid the problem of Libya at our feet.


[...] as we have learned tragically from past failures to respond in a timely fashion, domestic groundswell is instrumental to garnering international support to prevent mass atrocities. The world community's response to Libya has been lightning-fast when compared with past, snail-paced efforts -- laudable, no doubt, but inadequate, still. We must be quicker and more efficient in mobilizing if we are to deter leaders from even considering the use of deadly violence to cling to power.


?Not Until We Know What We're Getting Into - By Micah Zenko
Micah Zenko is fellow for conflict prevention at the Council on Foreign Relations.
(I am not persuaded by his argument, btw, which could be advanced for any and all military interventions. One never knows with any measure of certainty what lies ahead. And "winning" almost always remains an undefined term. What we are witnessing in the Libyan intervention is a truly multi-lateral effort reflecting a transnational political will not seen since WWII. Until now the term "Coalition" has meant "Ad hoc US-run Subcommittee.")


...although we are prepared to "do something" and pull out the most impressive kit in the U.S. toolbox -- military power -- we aren't actually willing to get involved at the level required to win. This minimal engagement does more harm than good. Not to mention that there are plenty of conflicts that are far more -- or at least equally -- pressing. In October and again this spring, for example, the African Union requested a no-fly zone from the U.N. Security Council to patrol Somalia. Guess how many French and British planes are flying over Mogadishu today? None.


?The U.S. Is Right Not to Own It - By Robert D. Kaplan


The very slow and seemingly lackluster American leadership that the Obama administration is being criticized for by both neoconservatives and liberal internationalists may be precisely what will keep us from owning the mission -- and that lack of ownership is an insurance policy against getting politically bogged down in Libya as the weeks drag on. I don't think Obama has been timid; I think he has been sly. It has been precisely the deep skepticism of intervention in Libya from some quarters of the administration that has forced the Arab League and the Europeans to pony up and relieve us of the political burden.


?This Could Be Obama's Defining Moment - By Shadi Hamid
Shadi Hamid is director of research at the Brookings Doha Center and a fellow at the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution.


One hopes that military intervention in Libya (or merely the threat of it) will succeed in ending Muammar Qaddafi's brutal regime. If it does, it may convince the United States that doing the right thing is sometimes the right thing to do. After five decades of supporting repressive autocracies, Washington has a chance to align itself with Arab democratic aspirations, something it has so far failed to do three months into the uprisings. Libya, then, could prove a defining moment for the Obama administration, compelling it to embrace, however reluctantly, a policy of aggressive support for democrats and democracy in the new Middle East.


However reluctntly, indeed. It's worse than breaking an addiction, whether supporting tyrants with oil, killing non-combatants with drone strikes, sucking up to transnational corporations making campaign contributions, overlooking official torture or turning a deaf ear to the cries of the poor.


?The Security Council Has At Last Lived Up To Its Duty - By Kenneth Roth
Kenneth Roth is executive director of Human Rights Watch.


The Arab League also played an essential role by easing its usual opposition to Security Council action against its members. The league had watched silently as Sudan's Omar al-Bashir committed crimes against humanity in Darfur -- or, less recently, as Iraq's Saddam Hussein massacred Shia and Kurds, and Syria's Hafez al-Asad destroyed the town of Hama. But the league apparently sensed the winds of change wafting through the Middle East and North Africa, and felt compelled to respond. The Egyptian presidential aspirations of the leagues' secretary-general, Amr Moussa, certainly helped as well.


?How to Save Benghazi - By Robert Pape


...sustain the people of eastern Libya without imposing regime change on Tripoli, invading Libya, or seizing its oil. It will also provide the core framework for a political transformation of Libya over time, with the West and the Arab world on the right side of history.


(Huh? I may be misreading what's happening, but this seems a bit off the mark.)


?A Day to Celebrate, But Hard Work Ahead - By Anne-Marie Slaughter
A Princeton professor and former State Department policy planner cites five "takeaways" including this interesting observation of the UN resolution which


"Decides that all States shall deny permission to any aircraft registered in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya or owned or operated by Libyan nationals or companies to take off from, land in or overfly their territory" with various enumerated exceptions like emergency landings and flights specifically approved by a U.N. appointed committee. This provision effectively prevents Qaddafi's sons or other relatives and high-level supporters from bailing out, leaving him to fight to the death. They cannot flee, and thus must live or die with him. As the military noose tightens, they are less and less likely to want to share his professed desire for martyrdom on Libyan soil, increasing the pressure on him to go.


This observation of nations abstaining from the UN resolution is good.


What do Brazil, Germany, and India -- each of which abstained alongside Russia and China -- have in common? Their protestations of concern for the general principal of non-intervention ring hollow...


...Abstention was first-class pandering. That might not seem so bad -- after all, the resolution passed. But this resolution is one of the first to authorize the use of force with an explicit reference to the responsibility to protect. In 2006 the Security Council passed a resolution, which was also endorsed by the U.N. General Assembly, accepting that all governments have a responsibility to protect their populations from genocide, ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity, and grave and systematic war crimes and that if they fail in that responsibility the international community has the right to intervene. This was an enormous normative step forward, akin to an international Magna Carta, even if it will take decades to elaborate and implement. It is the state corollary to the recognition of individual human rights with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1949 and subsequent more specific treaties. For would-be members of the Security Council, a willingness to stand up for this principle is a true test of leadership, the kind of leadership that a great power must be willing to exercise. By that metric, Germany, Brazil, and India just failed.


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Plus, from FP's blogs:


?The World, Yes -- The U.S., Maybe Less So - By Steven M. Walt


?The U.S. Even More So - By Kori Schake


?As Quickly As Possible - By Thomas E. Ricks


?With Fingers Crossed - By Peter Feaver


?Yes or No, It's About Obama - By David Rothkopf


?The Real Question Is, How Will the World Get Out? - By Marc Lynch
Lynch expresses serious misgivings, concerned about what might happen if Operation Odysset Dawn slides into the quagmire stage.


...Despite the bracing scenes of Benghazi erupting into cheers at the news of the Resolution, Arab support for the intervention is not nearly as deep as it seems and will not likely survive an extended war. If Libyan civilians are killed in airstrikes, and especially if foreign troops enter Libyan territory, and images of Arabs killed by U.S. forces replace images of brave protestors battered by Qaddafi's forces on al-Jazeera, the narrative could change quickly into an Iraq-like rage against Western imperialism. What began as an indigenous peaceful Arab uprising against authoritarian rule could collapse into a spectacle of war and intervention.


[...]  War advocates prefer to focus on the urgency of action, usually minimizing the likely risks and costs of war, exaggerating the likely benefits, and discounting the viability of all non-military courses of action -- exactly the script on Libya the last few weeks. Thinking about the messy endgame would only complicate such advocacy, and so it gets set aside.


My own view is somewhat jaundiced.
Operation Odyssey Dawn is hardly Operation Overlord but the dynamic is not all that different.
A rogue in a pack of fellow-rogues finally went too far and the pack is eating him alive.



3 comments:

  1. I've yet to read any of the latest pieces you've noted but I suspect most if not all sly - to be polite to the authors - away from the question "Why this particular 'moral imperative' and not all the others?" I have no doubt there is some convoluted rationale to sooth the bloody mind of our great political decision makers.

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  2. That is also the premier question the TV people keep hammering at. I just heard Paul Wolfowitz slip around it at the Amanpour round table. So far no one has framed the question in a larger context with two nuances:
    1) For the first time in recent memory we are looking at a historic unity on the part of the international community (as opposed to some cobbled together "coalition", a euphemism for a largely symbolic assembly of US proxies allies) and
    2) the US president is bending over backward to underscore that first point and by so doing is shaping a FP doctrine substantially new for this country, recognizing that America is becoming "first among equals" rather than the sole remaining Super Power.
    Chuck Todd glossed quickly past this point last night on the NBC Nightly News while making passing reference to the formulation of an "Obama Doctrine", different from previous doctrines, which suggests how he might have reacted differently to Rwanda or Somalia. I may be alone concluding this but the unspoken inference is that the Libyan approach might become a template for truly international efforts to deal with other open sores in the world. Ivory Coast, Zimbabwe and the Somali pirate state come immediately to mind.

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  3. Hi John,
    Lots of neoliberal interventionists, who alsos supported the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, in your FP list. Mark Lynch has the best piece.
    The best short-form piece comes from Robert Farley:
    "Posted these basic thoughts on twitter a few hours ago, but they deserve a little development.
    I really hope that things go super awesome in the new war in Libya. I hope that the rebels win, and I really hope that a democratic state emerges.
    I really hope that if they win, the rebels don�t start fighting each other. I really hope that they don�t settle scores with a blood purge of Gaddafi loyalists.
    I really hope that the new regime isn�t fatally delegitimized by the Western intervention. I really hope that Gaddafi�s supporters don�t put together a bloody insurgency that lasts for years.
    I really hope that if everything goes to shit, the French and British will catch at least some of the blame. Larison notwithstanding, there are some pretty important differences between how this coalition came together and how the Iraq coalition was assembled. I really hope that in the future, people will be able to do more of the �contrast� and less of the �compare� with regards to Iraq and Libya.
    But then, as they say, hope is not a plan. And it�s really fucking unclear to me that anyone has a plan. And so now we�re in it, and we�ll see what happens."
    Regards, Steve

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