Farewell. The Flying Pig Has Left The Building.

Steve Hynd, August 16, 2012

After four years on the Typepad site, eight years total blogging, Newshoggers is closing it's doors today. We've been coasting the last year or so, with many of us moving on to bigger projects (Hey, Eric!) or simply running out of blogging enthusiasm, and it's time to give the old flying pig a rest.

We've done okay over those eight years, although never being quite PC enough to gain wider acceptance from the partisan "party right or wrong" crowds. We like to think we moved political conversations a little, on the ever-present wish to rush to war with Iran, on the need for a real Left that isn't licking corporatist Dem boots every cycle, on America's foreign misadventures in Afghanistan and Iraq. We like to think we made a small difference while writing under that flying pig banner. We did pretty good for a bunch with no ties to big-party apparatuses or think tanks.

Those eight years of blogging will still exist. Because we're ending this typepad account, we've been archiving the typepad blog here. And the original blogger archive is still here. There will still be new content from the old 'hoggers crew too. Ron writes for The Moderate Voice, I post at The Agonist and Eric Martin's lucid foreign policy thoughts can be read at Democracy Arsenal.

I'd like to thank all our regular commenters, readers and the other bloggers who regularly linked to our posts over the years to agree or disagree. You all made writing for 'hoggers an amazingly fun and stimulating experience.

Thank you very much.

Note: This is an archive copy of Newshoggers. Most of the pictures are gone but the words are all here. There may be some occasional new content, John may do some posts and Ron will cross post some of his contributions to The Moderate Voice so check back.


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Monday, October 25, 2010

Insurgency versus Iraqi government forces

By Dave Anderson:


Gary Farber at Obsidian Wings is pulling out numerous bullet points from the Wikileaks Iraq Warlogs.  One of the points concerns casualty figures that the US military attributed to insurgents and the US military's count of Iraqi government security forces casualties. 


The database records the following death counts: 66,081 civilians, 23,984 insurgents and 15,196 Iraqi security forces


There are some serious caveats with the data.  The most important is that we know the insurgent/civilian classificiation is arbitrary and seems to be biased towards a heuristic where a dead Iraqi male of military age is classified as an insurgent.  Furthermore, we know that the US military classified everyone killed in Fallujah in April and November 2004 as insurgents despite press reports of civilian casualties at clearly marked medical facilities.  Finally, the precision is a bit false as there are numerous reports of the same dead insurgent from different units.  But this is a rough estimate that should be in the ballpark as an upper boundary of insurgent fatalities. I am assuming the Iraqi security forces data is pretty close to accurate. 


On the initial glance, the people classified as insurgents by the US military traded lives at 3:2 against the Iraqi security forces.  However, the insurgents were not just fighting Iraqi security forces; they were fighting American forces as well and inflicted close to 4,000 deaths and suffered a significant number of fatalities from American and other foreign forces.  This adjustment moves the exchance rate to slightly worse than 6:5, assuming the US data is good.  Making any downwards adjustments to the data and the exchange rate of the insurgency against both US and Iraqi government forces approaches 1:1. 


As I argued in 2005, the insurgencies in Iraq were able to beat Iraqi security forces when they could engage those forces in environments where American quick reaction forces, armor, artillery, and airpower could not bail them out.  The insurgencies were trading 2:3 or better against the Iraqi government.  Counterinsurgent forces are in serious trouble when they are inflicting 2:1 casualties against the insurgent and they are in deep trouble when the kill rate favors the insurgencies. The government casualty rates decreased when the Jaish Al Mahdi (the Mahdi Army, the primary Sadrist militia) and the Sunni Arab tribal networks either stood down or flipped to take care of local problems in conjunction with increased American money and arms. 


However, the Sunni Arab tribla networks that have been renamed as Sons of Iraq or the Iraqi/Anbari Awakening are getting screwed.  Their pay is late, few jobs are being offered in the Iraqi state security apparatus or the general economy and their leadership is being pressured by the rump AQI as well as the Maliki government.


The Sunni Arab tribal elites have been able to mobilize tens of thousands of fighting age men in the Sons of Iraq program.  Most of those men were former insurgents who had survived the extremely Darwinian pressures of fighting an urban guerilla war against the US military (denying the US its maximal objectives), as well as a shadow civil war against the JAM in Baghdad and other mixed-sect cities.  These men have the ability to fight the Iraqi government security forces to a standstill if they don't have to worry about US armor and artillery in addition to ethnic cleansing by the JAM. 


This might just be yet another reason why the Sadrists are being brought inside the Maliki government as they are yet another non-state militia that has plenty of experience and capacity to fight the rest of the state's military forces to a draw if there is minimal US involvement.  Keeping both the Sunni Arabs and the Sadrists out while keeping the less capable Badr/SIIC organization in the government weakens Maliki, perhaps fatally. 



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